德黑兰的城市规划与发展:城市规划专业毕业外文翻译-(原文及译文).doc
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1、Urban planning and development inTehranAli MadanipourDepartment of Architecture, Planning and Landscape, Newcastle University, Newcastle, United KingdomAvailable online 25 September 2006With a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the lar
2、ger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid-20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exerc
3、ised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development._ 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian citiesPlanning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growthThe first phase of Tehrans planning
4、refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby atleast three major efforts set the framework for the citys growth and development: walling the city(1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the governments ability and
5、desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects. Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the eastwest Sil
6、k Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the northsouth route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century; however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Te
7、hran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960). The first large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set t
8、he framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (17791925).On becoming the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 1
9、5,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The countrys military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the
10、capital city. The second large-scale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for accommodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were m
11、ore useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and European-style shops, were, acc
12、ording to a British observer, a twofold renaissance for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300).The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of ur
13、ban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regimes emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a tra
14、nsport network, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread road-widening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its thi
15、rd major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the
16、regimes desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was radically re-planned and re-built (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transp
17、ort network of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal compound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter; retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar; and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street network
18、 was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overcoming the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. T
19、he city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941. These large-scale urban planning and development phases of Teh
20、ran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distinctively ancient Persian imagery and local expertise, the second and third phases employed European images and experts, primarily from France and Germany. What these early tow
21、n planning efforts shared was that they were all envisaging a particular new form and implementing it through the (re)development of the urban environment; they were all plans for a major series of physical changes executed in a relatively short period of time. The reforms in the second half of the
22、19th century opened up the citys society and space to new economic and cultural patterns, and unleashed centrifugal and dialectic forces that exploded in two major revolutions. Economically, the city started to be integrated into the world market as a peripheral node. Embracing the market economy di
23、vided the city along the lines of income and wealth, while new cultural fault lines emerged along lifestyle and attitude towards tradition and modernity. Rich and poor, who used to live side by side in the old city, were now separated from one another in a polarizing city. Moreover, modernizers welc
24、omed living in new neighborhoods and frequented new streets and squares, while traditionalists continued to live and work in the older parts of the city. Ever since, these economic and cultural polarizationsand their associated tensionshave characterized Irans urban conditions. Planning through land
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